UAP Technocracy of the Elitist kind
Whence governance in a clandestine government UAP control group?
[This article is free of any AI content]
It may seem odd attempting to consider how The Legacy Program is organized given the utter lack of data with which to work. But when there are increasingly credible assertions of UAP study control group, we need to have some idea what form of governance may be in play within it. If we understand its governance, we have an idea how effectively they can push back against transparency efforts. We also may build some context into the underlying motivations of constituencies in The Legacy Program’s leadership. And I do believe we can make some inferences from the admittedly sparse data at hand.
Till additional evidence emerges, I have no reason to think that the diverse set of activities that get collectively called The Legacy Program have been immune to the same kinds of sub-rosa turf-wars & infighting for which the defense-intelligence bureaucracies are notorious. Perhaps only the permissions to release data is centrally-managed (that too almost always answered in the negative). And although the DoE is not popularly associated with this kind of infighting, I imagine it could have engaged in similar turf wars with the DoD and the IC.
Given that, one can imagine a diversity of governance structures operative within and across these bureaucracies. As undertaking understanding that is practically intractable with the dearth of data we are provided leaked with, I focus on the governance of the nascent bureaucracy under one individual who my substack sees as an unavoidably likely early point-person, Vannevar Bush.
There is to date one-and-only-one book-length biography of Vannevar Bush. Called Endless Frontier,: Vannevar Bush, Engineer of the American Century, it was written by G. Pascal Zachary, then a journalist for the Wall Street Journal and prior, the San Jose Mercury News. I’m surprised that no established historians have attempted the same task either before or since. That said, I feel his exemplary work on the biography alone qualifies Zachary for the title ‘historian’.
If Vannevar played a formative role in forming The Legacy Program, as both first-principles and the debated (MJ-12) Eisenhower Briefing Document suggest, then on what values was it likely organized?
In four riveting pages in Chapter 14 Zachary provides us an intimate look into Vannevar’s views on governance. I know of no where else where these views have ever been made public besides the quiet archives themselves that Zachary sourced from. I’ve endeavored to distill out the most descriptive excerpts from these four pages, but I encourage anyone interested in Vannevar Bush and his likely role The Legacy Program’s ascendancy to 1. buy Zachary’s book, and 2. read pages 323-326 (pages referred against the original edition).
Let’s dive in, shall we?
(In the quotes that follow, the bold emphases are mine).
“Bush wondered whether the U.S. system of government was strong enough to handle postwar challenges or even whether representative democracy suited the nation's new requirements.” (p.323)
Even in a purely prosaic light, Vannevar ‘wondering’ at the height of his immediate postwar influence is much more capable of shaping downstream political organization than the wonderings of most people in history. Consider whether he is even empowered to decide just what the ‘nation’s new requirements’ are, much less whether a governmental system in place since ~1776 is a fit for said new requirements. Now throw in the otherworldly technologies angle, and consider how much further his influence can extend.
“He shared with other elitists a stark and not altogether distorted view of American society that pitted sober, pragmatic elites against the untutored, volatile masses. For Bush, Truman and his cronies as well as most congressional leaders clearly fell into the "masses" category.” (p. 324)
and
“In Bush's view, civilian technocrats were the solution to the inherent contradiction between the increasingly complicated problems facing government and the nation's democratic traditions. … these experts would brook little or no interference. Bush thought that changes in representative democracy were inevitable.” (p.324)
Again, disturbing. If Zachary’s assessment of the historical record is correct, we’re clearly getting inklings of a fascistic autocrat in the making. Recall my recent May-Johnson posts. Even in a purely prosaic world, Vannevar was originator and major proponent of the May-Johnson bill. His original version of the proto-May-Johnson bill would have empaneled a group of 12 with unprecedented scope on the disposition of all things nuclear. In the non-prosaic UAP world post-Roswell, it’s scary to think of the absence of needed accountability measures he would have fended off around a technocratic UAP reverse-engineering group. What would a high-tech organization lacking those measures have metastasized into in the decades since?
In this next excerpt, Zachary refers to a ‘difficulty’, which he describes as Vannevar’s perceived need to technologically outpace the Russians when postwar Americans wouldn’t ordinarily accept government intrusions into science and industry outside of wartime imperatives.
“To solve this difficulty, Bush had advanced a vague but durable notion about the capacity for experts to govern themselves. This concept of expert self-governance was Bush's answer to the contradiction between the public's demand for accountability and the expert's need to make judgments free from outside pressure. It was a radical answer with a conservative core that stood the whole idea of public service on its head. Rather than formal accountability, it stressed results.”
Should we be taking solace in the fact that at least the trains reverse-engineered UAP would run on time?
I highly recommend getting the book somehow and reading these four pages in full, they add much additional context and insight than I can cover here. I think the last several chapters of the book are a must-read for anyone who wants to understand the postwar context of a likely leading exponent of The Legacy Program.
Concluding Thoughts
This blog post isn’t my personal referendum on national government structures, but examining Vannevar’s motivations has been deeply uncomfortable for me to soul-search over. As a trained engineer, my education was influenced by pedagogy, research funding superstructures, and institutions that Vannevar Bush helped put in place. Any engineer who knows superficially about Vannevar Bush (prosaically) probably venerates the man.
Also, I’ve seen the results of different governmental systems around the world, and have seen examples where by turns more democratic or less democratic structures have seemed more appropriate depending on context. There are probably people reading this who read Vannevar’s take on things and nod in tacit agreement. I know there are many who see American representative democracy as sclerotic and ineffectual. I have to wonder whether Vannevar — or those who inherited his legacy — saw the awesome power of UAP technologies as an entering wedge for rule-by-the-experts technocracy.
While I’m on a let’s-question-Vannevar’s-legacy bent, I also want to highlight the 1992 article by the late Stanley Goldberg, “Inventing a Climate of Opinion: Vannevar Bush and the Decision to Build the Bomb.“ (Zachary credits Goldberg with constructively influencing his coverage in Endless Frontiers). In the article, Goldberg examines in depth Vannevar’s strategies for manipulating situations to achieve his desired outcomes, which at that time was the development of the first atomic bomb.*
All in all I hope it’s becoming clearer what kind of character we have in Vannevar Bush during his heady early postwar years.
*(Incidentally, as I mentioned in my Gen. Leslie Groves article, Goldberg died unexpectedly while he was writing a would-be biography of Groves. Grant applications suggest Goldberg would have focused more on postwar military-civilian research communities than did the author who picked up the reins, Robert Norris).
On recent popular coverage of MJ-12
I don’t know the extent of how the prospect of a Majestic-like group got reported in mainstream media after their unveiling in the late 1980s. And while I never followed ufology prior to last year, I’m pretty sure that in the 1990s, 2000s, 2010s, and early 2020s, the whole Majestic sub-topic was moribund as far as mainstream media was concerned. Even in the post-Grusch area, the Majestic documents barely merited a mention even in the relatively safe-space of counterculture podcasts. Here is a rare example, from Eric Weinstein on Chris Williamson’s podcast, of how obliquely it would come up: Eric Weinstein mentions MJ-12 (timestamped; Eric’s comment “"then MJ12 became the real government", delivered in hyperbolic tone, may ring more hauntingly in light of this substack post)..
Yet since July we ‘ve seen increasing mention of MJ-12 in the UAP podcast-o-sphere. Whatever their inspiration, I give full credit to the Zabel-Coulthart reporting pair for accomplishing this. Now even in quasi-mainstream media, we have a standout mention of them in this NewsNation clip: “Let’s start with the Majestic documents.” the anchor exclaims. It’s hard to over-emphasize what a sea-change this represents in ufology reporting. And as I’ve maintained throughout, the Majestic topic merits discussion even if every last Majestic document turns out — in whole or in part — to be fabricated. In other words if the Majestic documents turn out to all ‘be fake’, the fool is not the one who believes in studying them, but the one who dismisses them on that basis.
General updates:
‣ I’ve changed out the fonts for the site theme - what do you think? I selected the font to evoke the kinds of typefaces seen in typewritten documents of the era this blog focuses on.
Bibliography
Zachary G. “Endless Frontier: Vannevar Bush, Engineer of the American Century”. New York: The Free Press; 1997
Amazon: https://www.amazon.com/Endless-Frontier-Vannevar-Engineer-American/dp/1501196456
Goldberg S.; “Inventing a Climate of Opinion: Vannevar Bush and the Decision to Built the Bomb”; Isis, vol. 83, 1992
accessible at: https://www.jstor.org/stable/233904
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I hope the reader will not be surprised to learn that multi-decade clandestine UAP crash-retrieval & reverse-engineering programs operating extra-constitutionally probably don’t extinguish themselves. It takes lots of research effort on the part of many building on each other. If you want to see The Legacy Program brought back under oversight, support this research - its past accomplishments, its awareness building, and growth of its upcoming scope. Together we can bring transparency to an activity of monumental global importance that would rather gaslight us as to its very existence than operate under rule of law.
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The second quote you cite is very reminiscent of Kit Green's answer to Eric Davis, per the NIDS email thread.
“There is a belief by most people in high executive branch appointed positions that the average person isn't able to understand or handle the complexity...and would screw things up beyond belief. They, as long as they are in control..believe in a Singaporean government model of a Lee kwan yew meritocracy; government by the most educated and elite, and benevolent dictatorship...they believe what they read in plato, Thomas Paine, Machiavelli..and they do not believe what they read in Aristotle, Jefferson, or Roosevelt.”
Faces change but ideologies don't.